Türkçe TercümeHaidar Bammate, one of the most important ideologues of the Caucasian Political Émigré movement in the first quarter of the 20th century, realized that Turkey, where he had immigrated in March 1921, was not suitable for a fight against the Bolshevik occupation of the Caucasus. He immediately started to look for ways to go to Paris, where anti-Bolshevik political groups were based. The situation was no different for Ahmed Tsalykkaty, his comrade during the challenging days of the struggle in Tbilisi. Beyond the political difficulties, they also faced an economic impasse. Haidar Bammate, who married Abdul Medjid Chermoy's niece, Zeinab Khanum, immediately after finding asylum in Turkey, managed to obtain the necessary permissions from Turkish authorities in August to travel to France under the guise of engaging in trade, with the help of the Çermoy family, and arrived in Paris in the last week of September. Throughout the ongoing political struggle during the immigration period, Ahmed Tsalykkaty and Haidar Bammate continued to exchange letters.
In this series, I will share with you some of the letters that will also appear in "The Untold History of the Caucasian Political Emigration," a work I am currently preparing for publication as the second book in the Haidar Bammate series. First, under the title "From Istanbul with Love…," you will read some of Tsalykkaty's striking letters to Haidar Bammate from his stay in Turkey between 1921 and 1924. Later, under the title "From Prague with Love...", some important letters I've selected among the letters Tsalykkaty wrote to Bammate from Prague will follow. Although these letters have personal and relative character, they are entirely personalized, detached from all political style and diplomatic language, and thus reflect a much more sincere truth than a political declaration or diplomatic memorandum. You can never find that sort of information in any ordinary history book. When the addressees of the letters are prominent figures in the politics of the time, they become even more significant.
Dear Haidar!
I sensed that the situation in Paris was bleak and that a false premise was being created, but that we must strive to maintain a course of action if there is any hope of achieving our political goals. If Tapa [Abdul Medjid Chermoy] can provide subsidies, the interests of the matter require a positive answer to this question, but everything related to money must be organized so that full accounting is available at all times, to avoid any kind of criticism.
I am sending you an estimate (rough) for the political commission (abridged Georgian version). In addition to the estimate for the diplomatic mission, for which Alikhan [Kantemir] said he would send himself, I am sending you an estimate that, in my view, is more important than the estimate for the diplomatic mission itself. We must work and contact our homeland. A lot of time has already been lost, and every missed step will create great difficulties for us later. We must keep pace with the Georgians, who are superbly organized and working tirelessly. Of course, I don't think you need any explanatory notes to accompany the estimate.
Upon receiving the funds, I will organize a political commission similar to the Georgian political commission and invite our proven comrades—Abubekir Pliev and others—to join it, striving to include representatives of the most prominent Mountaineers. The commission will then contact the Georgians and Azerbaijanis for joint political work on the ground. Everything concerning the political commission, especially the money, must be addressed directly to this commission. This will eliminate any potential disputes, given the limited resources. Working in full contact with diplomatic representatives, the political commission must have the necessary authority within its own sphere.
I will also organize an information bureau for the political commission. Tapa [Abdul Medjid Chermoy] probably showed you and Kotsev [Pshemakho Kotse] the note on behalf of a private meeting. If not, then take a look at it, then everything will become clear. When N.V. [Noe] Ramishvili left, he took my explanatory note on the budget to the Mountaineers’ Political Commission. Take a look at this document, although you won't find anything new there. We discussed all this in Istanbul. If work in the above-mentioned direction is possible, even with a loan from Tapa [Abdul Medjid Chermoy], it must be done.
The Kuban-Terek Union, etc., is a mythical organization abroad. This "council" is irrelevant, and no one here knows Colonel Abisalov. Said Bey Shamil is in Istanbul—he's also planning to embark on a long voyage. Try to influence his father to stop his son from continuing this foolishness.
There's nothing new in our lives. We're waiting for the steam to come from Paris. If not, please let me know, without hiding the bitterest truth.
All the best,
Yours, Ahmed,
P.S. Warmest regards to your mother and wife.
Monthly Estimate for the Mountaineers’ Political Commission and Information Bureau in Constantinople
Chairman (1) – 135 lira
Commission Members (5) – 550 lira
Office Expenses – 30 lira
Unforeseen Expenses – 150 lira
Agent – 500 lira
Publishing a Newspaper – 104 lira
Premises – 50 lira
For Work in the Homeland – 1000 lira
Total: 2510 lira
To this amount, please add the information costs.
Secretary – 75 lira
Typist – 40 lira
Total: 115 lira.
Thus, the total cost is 2,634 lira.
This estimate may be reduced due to financial constraints, but this is not advisable, especially in the area of on-site work. If you refine your cost proposals, they will be used as a basis.
This letter, along with hundreds of others written by various political figures, once again makes it painfully clear that the biggest dilemma facing the North Caucasus political immigration was financial inadequacies. The sole source of financial support for the struggle of liberation was the oil-rich Chechen politician Abdulmecid (Tapa) Chermoy. Azerbaijani political opponents also had Azerbaijani-based, oil-rich financial resources, similar to Chermoy's, but these were also sporadic. However, the Georgian and Armenian members of the Christian club, receiving state-level financial support from Christian Europe and the US, enjoy a much more comfortable working environment than the Muslim politicians of the Caucasus. Said Shamil, who lost the financial support of the French during his days in the Caucasus, was a 20-year-old young man trying to enter the political sphere at the time. He, too, sought to build a career and make money in this environment, and greatly underestimates experienced North Caucasian politicians.
Dear Haidar!
You're telling me to come to Paris and finish my work there in peace. I think that's difficult to accomplish—first, Tapa [Abdul Medjid Chermoy] is unlikely to incur such large expenses. Second, it would cut off our connection with the Caucasus, because after all, we're closer to home here. Third, Bolshevism could collapse with catastrophic speed, and whoever returns home first could play a decisive role. Weighing all these factors, I think it would be better to remain in Constantinople, if only I had some financial support, which would relieve me of the constant worry of finding a lira for food. I would very much like to live and work in Paris, and from a personal perspective, that would be the best option. However, I fear that the matter will suffer greatly if a place like Constantinople is poorly represented. Alikhan [Kantemir] alone is unlikely to cope with the task, even if he is placed in better conditions than he is now.
As I already wrote to you, the Azerbaijanis have already begun implementing the work plan in Constantinople and are publishing a Turkish-language journal locally. They plan to create an organization of four representatives of the political commissions of the four republics, in place of the so-called private conference, on whose behalf a report would be sent to the delegations in Paris. We, however, continue to exist in a state of amphora, nervous and cursing our joyless existence. I have never felt so bad as I do now, aware of the importance of the work and my own impotence.
Even my pride suffers from the feeling that, due to our disorganization, we are not being treated as we should be. It's also very difficult to serve in the Georgian mission—at my age, it's very difficult to serve anything other than serving some kind of idea. I think you understand all this in a nutshell.
I'm reaching a point where thoughts of suicide are increasingly haunting me—not from cowardice, but from despair and a loss of zest for life, which offers only sharp thorns and no joy... So, dear Haidar, I'm right, I don't know what to do next, no matter where I throw it. My literary work has stalled, and I'm in no mood. Overall, my spirit is desperate.
If you think my arrival in Paris is the only way out, then go ahead. I simply don't know what to do anymore.
Yours, Ahmed.
Great events are unfolding in Georgia—general strikes of workers and students, the arrest of 2,000 people, etc. The Georgians are publishing an entire brochure in French here in Constantinople.
In this letter, it’s visible that Tsalykkaty's mood in Turkey deteriorated day by day, and he was caught in a whirlpool of despair. His doubts about going to Paris would distance him from his homeland, coupled with his reluctance to leave Turkey despite all the adverse conditions it presents, out of fear of not being able to return when the time is right, emerges as a heartbreaking display of romanticism. Tsalykkaty, envious of the much more organized work of his neighboring Caucasian peoples compared to the Mountaineers, curses the distortions that everyone can see but cannot change.
In another letter to Bammate, written after a long pause in March 1922, Tsalykkaty shares crucial information about developments among the political émigré groups in Turkey:
Dear Haidar!
You're probably perplexed, you haven't received a letter from me in so long. I've been meaning to write, but nothing much has happened – things are going as badly as before. True, I managed to borrow 150 lira to send someone to the North Caucasus. That's the only major thing I've accomplished. We've organized a refugee committee of our supporters. We're organizing evening concerts and events. We're looking for places to live and hostels, and several other things.
The Circassians do not help us at all. The Shamils (Osmanovichs) are typical Oblomovs – worthless people, very ambitious, dreaming more of satisfying their vanity than of truly working for the good of their homeland. I hardly ever see them. The other Circassians are almost more on the side of the monarchists than on ours. They're now once again considering the formation of some units against [Mustafa] Kemal, but they can't decide under what flag. Some would even be willing to march under the Greek flag. This is fueling Turkic resentment against the Circassians. I have completed two books of the six-volume work, "Highlanders in the Fire of Revolution." I asked the Parisian delegation to send me materials for the fourth volume: "The Mounatineers’ Government" (When was the government formed? Its composition. Negotiations with the powers. The trip to Trebizond. Treaties. The conquest of Dagestan. Sending a delegation to Paris. The work of the Parisian delegation. The fight against the Volunteer Army... All of this could easily be put together if Paris sent me copies of the documents that the delegation probably has. For the sake of Allah, do everything in your power to provide me with these materials. I would gladly provide my work to the Circassians for translation into French, but so far, no one has appeared. Oh, by the way—volume 5—"The Defense Council of the Republic of the North Caucasus," when you were a representative in Tiflis. Do you have any memoirs or notes? Or perhaps you could write “Now send them to me”. I could post them in full. I'm not receiving any assistance in my work, and then they'll complain if the events aren't fully covered. Kotsev [Pshemakho Kotse] promised to send me his memoirs and didn't. Remind him.
They say you joined the Council. Is that true? They say we've been allocated some money (Your letter to Osman [Gube Osman Saidnurov]). What kind of money and to what organization? Let everything be specified when sending the money to avoid misunderstandings.
Yusuf Kemal [Tengirshenk] stayed here for a week. He was supposed to be given a memorandum on behalf of the three republics (except the Armenians). The Azerbaijanis were supposed to arrange a meeting, but it never took place. Yusuf declined, claiming he was under surveillance. In general, Angora doesn't seem to be particularly favorably disposed toward us. We're awaiting the arrival of Bekir Sami Bey [Kundukh].
That's how things are going. Spring is coming. There's an opportunity to pursue a more active policy in the Caucasus, but there are no funds, no sources... Perhaps your energy and enterprise, if you joined the council, will provide us with these funds; otherwise, I don't know how we will live up to their hopes, which others also place on us.
I shake your hand. Warm regards to your family. Write to me.
Ahmed.
I've spoken several times about persuading […] to write. He promised.
Said Gabiev and [Sherafuddin] Rashkuev have been expelled from Dagestan. They were exiled from Dagestan at [Djelaleddin] Korkmasov's insistence after a clash that occurred between them. Said and Rashkuev are out of work in Tiflis. The Dagestan Revolutionary Committee has declared an amnesty, which only exempts three people: [Mikail] Khalilov, Nazhmuddin [Gotsinski], and a third person. Colonel [Muhammad] Jafarov has surrendered to the Bolsheviks. He is at large. He has gone to join his family in Russia. Where is Mustafa Chokaev? If you see him, ask him to write. How is he doing?
The political chaos in Turkey and the oppression of North Caucasian immigrants demonstrate that these political immigrants, who sought refuge in Turkey during the Bolshevik invasion, were unable to receive the assistance and care they had hoped for from the immigrants who left their homeland and settled in Ottoman lands during the 19th-century Russian-Caucasian Wars. Tsalykkaty uses particularly harsh language to condemn the family of Osman Ferit Pasha, to which Imam Shamil's grandchildren also belonged. Tsalykkaty thinks them identical to the character of Ilya Ilyich Oblomov in Ivan Goncharov's novel "Oblomov," portraying this prominent family of the immigrant community as arrogant individuals detached from the realities of society and life. Tsalykkaty shares another interesting piece of information; stating that Circassians in Turkey at the time aligned themselves more closely with figures like Mikail Khalil, Beta Khabaev, and Nuh-Bek Tarkovsky, who supported the Russian Monarchy. The letter also reveals some clues about Tsalykkaty's six-volume work, "Mountaineers in the Fire of Revolution," which we have not been able to find until now.
Tsalykkaty states that he wants Bammate’s participation in the Union Council, comprised of representatives from the four republics that became active in February 1921 but failed to produce any tangible results throughout the year. He expresses hope that Bammate's participation in the Council will change this situation and provide them with financial resources. The letter, which also contains interesting information about the political climate in Turkey and the internal feuds of the Bolshevik Mountaineers in the Caucasus, is of a nature that requires revising lots of the memorized material in history books.
In another letter written by Tsalykkaty shortly thereafter, it is possible to find some other crucial clues about the political codes of the period:
Dear Haidar!
I'm very glad you've joined the council. Perhaps with your energy and talent, things will move forward. For now, I feel obligated to inform you that the small light of hope that was marked in our lives by the 250 lira allocation has faded. Khottariya [Member in Charge of Financial Affairs of the Georgian Mission], according to Alikhan [Kantemir], only issued 150 Turkish lira and declared that he wouldn't promise even that amount in the future, as his affairs had been severely weakened. I haven't personally met Khottariya, but this is the situation as I'm reporting. Please inform the Council of Khottariya's response, although I believe Alikhan [Kantemir] will officially deliver this sad news.
There's no significant news from the Caucasus. In Georgia, there's famine in some areas. In Azerbaijan, there's an unprecedented infestation of locusts. In Armenia, the famine is so severe that corpses are being dug up from cemeteries and eaten. The situation in Vladikavkaz is slightly better, but a pood of corn is already costing between 2 and 4 million rubles.
Overall, the situation in the region is deteriorating day by day. Right-wing circles among the Russian émigrés are busily preparing for the spring campaign. They are considering another attempt to overthrow the Bolsheviks, and curiously, these circles intend to make the Caucasus the base of their attack, and to this end, they want to establish relations with the Georgians and Armenians. They proposed a landing on Batumi, the capture of Baku, the pledging of Baku oil to obtain "funds," and an advance on Russia. Of course, this plan, as completely unsuitable for us, was rejected.
Establishing contact with Kemalist Turkey is impossible. One can only marvel at the suspicious short-sightedness of Anatolian "politicians," who completely fail to take into account the need to anticipate all political opportunities in the Caucasus after the fall of Bolshevism. Perhaps you will find yourself in more freedom in Paris and be able to influence Turkish diplomacy.
If the Turks allowed several "bases" to be established on their border, it would significantly facilitate work in the Caucasus, but communication through Batumi is becoming increasingly difficult.
Some Ossetians recently passed through from Ganja: the first group consisted of 19 people, the second of 11. They say there are up to 200 Mountaineers in America—mostly Ossetians—all eager to go home. Many spent 10-15 years in America and are returning home as true Yankees. It's hard to imagine that they were simple, illiterate village boys. We'll find a formidable technical force in these "Americans." They brought two tractors with them to the Caucasus. There's no word yet on whether they arrived safely. We discussed politics with the "Americans," and they're quite sympathetic and have promised support.
The material has even been published in French; I'll find a translator. I'll organize it, and then we'll review it together. The fourth volume of my work, "Mountaineeers in the Fire of Revolution," is The Mountaineers’ Government. It will take time to process the materials. Keep in mind that I still haven't recovered and have lost 78% of my vitality and 50% of my ability to work.
I also asked for all the delegation's materials—is it really that hard to make copies of the brochure? And also Pshemakho's notes.
All these materials need to be sent by registered mail, even if requested, and perhaps through the Georgian mission in special diplomatic "envelopes." Don't be lazy about arranging them. Time is short. Events could unfold, and then we'll have to spill blood instead of ink.
Sincere greetings and best wishes to your mother and wife.
Yours, Ahmed,
My new address is Pera, Rue Journal, 18.
P.S. Osman [Gube Osman Saidnurov] is feeling down. His financial situation is dire. We're trying to find him a job somewhere. Today he went to the factory.
This letter, written in response to a letter from Haidar Bammate, reveals that Bammate had informed Tsalykkaty of his participation in the Union Council in Paris. It also appears that the cash flow in Istanbul was conducted through the Georgian pharmacist Khottariya. Another important point in the letter is that the Menshevik and Monarchist Russians in Turkey at the time were preparing for a counter-offensive in the Caucasus, but the Kemalist regime did not offer enough operational opportunities to Caucasian political refugees.
About a year later, in another letter to Bammate, Tsalykkaty informs him that his illness, which would lead to his death in a few years, was worsening. The letter, which highlighted the difficulties encountered in reaching the funds intended for political refugees in Istanbul through various channels, also hinted at the imminent fragmentation of the political émigré movement:
Dear Haidar!
I learned from your last letter that you had a son. Congratulations and best wishes to the little Parisian. Thank you very much for the 300 francs. Very, very timely. There is no unity, and my health has deteriorated. Diabetes is a nasty thing. It requires persistent, systematic treatment. No luck. It all comes back to haunt me.
And now about business. First of all, rumors are circulating here that Engineer [Batyrbek] Shardanov was given 300 pounds sterling by Egyptian Circassians for the refugees to be delivered to Constantinople. Is this true? We still haven't received the money. An Egyptian Circassian informed us of this here. He was inquiring whether we had received the money or not. I request that you urgently investigate this matter.
You further wrote that we shouldn't count on Paris. Mamed Emin Rasul-Zade said that [Abdul Medjid / Tapa] Chermoyev promised to contribute 3,000,000 francs to the Caucasus if peace were concluded. Do you know anything about this? We need money for work in our homeland, but I'm afraid that if the money ends up in Paris's hands, it won't go to real needs. We're racking our brains over how to accept it so that the funds, if they ever become available, are spent wisely. What do you think about this?
Furthermore, you propose shifting the center of gravity to Istanbul. That's true. But work is being held up for various reasons. The Azerbaijanis have split into two camps—and nothing, and no one, can unite them. They've compromised themselves with discord, and they're slandering each other. It's embarrassing to even describe the extent to which this has reached. Talk to Yusuf Bek Vezirov, the former diplomatic representative—he'll be able to tell you personally, and you'll get a clear picture of the situation. Under these circumstances, forming an Azerbaijani-Mountaineers Committee is an impossible task. Who can we unite with? We can't pursue any policy independently. I don't speak Turkish or French, and that's a serious disadvantage for political work.
Pshemakho is busy with trade, Alikhan is struggling, and even if he weren't struggling, his business acumen, at least in my opinion, is highly questionable. He has too little experience, past or present. Aytek Namitok is an Easterner and new to Mountaineers’ affairs, not to mention all the other Mountaineers. You point to Rasul-Zade—he's the most capable. It's obvious. We've met him, but he's an extremely cautious man, fond of operating behind the scenes. So far, his arrival hasn't yielded any benefits. They say he's not particularly well-received in the spheres either. The Musavatists are out of favor. So, our cart is at a standstill. I'm inclined to think this state of affairs will last a very long time and that the Caucasian problem won't get off the ground anytime soon. I've spoken with some members of the A.N.S. [Ankara National Assembly], and they suggest waiting until Soviet power falls in Russia, and then, they say, assistance will be provided. I'm inclined to think that this is the real attitude toward the issue, and this point of view doesn't bode well for us in the near future. "By the time the sun rises, the dew has eaten away our eyes." So, find a way out. At least I'm in a state of great prostration.
For now, I conclude, shaking your hand firmly. I wish you all the best, and send my heartfelt greetings to your entire family. Write your son's name to me. According to our custom, a young wife is always wished six sons and one daughter, and please convey this wish to your spouse. Dodo sends his regards; he lives with me.
Your Ahmed,
Address: Couskoundjour [?] villa said Pacha Ahmed Bey, Constantinopole.
P.S. If you can, send me your brochure "The Caucasus Problem." French Translation (Urgent).
Every paragraph in the referred letters deserves pages of commentary and explanation, but you'll have to save your appetite for that commentary and interpretation for the forthcoming book. These letters Tsalykkaty of were followed by letters from Prague, where he had sought refuge with a Red Cross organization in 1924. While the magnitude of the difficulties experienced in the content of those letters, which I will soon share, remained the same, they would introduce entirely new challenges in terms of their nature.
Cem Kumuk
Istanbul, 3 October 2025